The Oxford English Dictionary defines phobia as "A fear, horror, strong dislike, or aversion; esp. an extreme or irrational fear or dread aroused by a particular object or circumstance." The Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM), published by the American Psychiatric Association, defines phobias as anxiety disorders, and uses the term "phobia" to describe two categories of anxiety: specific and social phobias.
Specific phobia refers to what most people common think of as a phobia: an irrational fear of an object or situation. Frederickson et al (1996) divided these into three categories (situational, animal, and mutilation), and compared the gender prevalence of each in a group of 704 adults. They found that 19.9% of all respondents met the criteria for some specific phobia, and that women were more likely to have multiple specific phobias. There was no significant gender difference in prevalence of mutilation phobias, but women were more likely to have situational and animal phobias.
Social phobia, also called social anxiety disorder, is the fear of being judged, such as in cases of public speaking, using a public restroom, or eating. Schneier's 2006 review states that while social phobias are more common in women than men, approximately equal numbers of men and women seek treatment, making social phobia nearly unique among anxiety disorders. Turk et al (1998) found that the expression of social phobias differed between men and women, along fairly intuitive social lines. Men were more likely to fear urinating in a public restroom or returning goods to a store, whereas women were more likely to fear speaking to authority or entering a room where others were already seated. Turk et al hypothesize that the disproportionately high numbers of men who seek treatment for social anxiety may be due to the social unacceptability of male shyness.
I'm getting more squeamish about needles and cuts as I get older. Frederickson et al. found that mutilation fears decreased over age for women, but not for men. It does seem like every week that I do my shot, it becomes harder and harder to force myself to do it. Rather than becoming easier or less frightening with multiple exposures, it seems to get worse. Frederickson et al.'s theory about fear extinction over age seems to follow the exposure-extinction model. The evidence that women get more health care than men might explain their difference in mutilation fear extinction, but in my case, I think it's more about fear modeling. People (and monkeys) tend to be afraid of things that they watch other people (or monkeys) being afraid of. My partner has a very hard time with needles, and I think watching him squirm every time I do a shot is decreasing the effectiveness of my multiple exposures. He's starting to get better, though, so I expect I will, too.
livejournal version
Tuesday, October 31, 2006
Monday, October 30, 2006
A glass of sunshine
Linus Pauling may be most famous for his claims about the life-extending properties of vitamin C (ascorbic acid). However dubious his recommendations may be (see QuackWatch or WebMd), it seems that most American adults are not even reaching 60mg/day, the level recommended by the 2005 Dietary Guidelines Advisory Committee (DGAC) Report. But how does this nutrient affect men and women differently?
Loria et al (2000) found an association between low vitamin C levels and mortality for men, but not for women. Stuart Brody (2002) reported the highly questionable result that high doses of vitamin C improved mood and increased frequency of sexual intercourse, more so in women and men who did not live with a partner. In a separate experiment, Brody et al. (2002) also reported that women in an ascorbic acid/stress test had smaller cortisol (a stress hormone) reactions than men.
According to the 2005 DGAC report, men appear to take in more vitamin C than women (table, but women consumed more vitamin C as a percentage of their diet (table). This is consistent with Garry et al's 1982 study of an elderly population, which found that men had lower serum ascorbic acid levels than women, despite higher intakes. This affect appeared to be disproportionate to body weight differences, suggesting differences in absorption efficiency.
I've always been fascinated by the different men's and women's formulas for daily multivitamins. Even before I admitted to myself that I needed to live as a man to be happy, I took men's multivitamins and came up with elaborate excuses for why they were a better match for my needs than the women's multis. Honestly, I've been blessed with generally fantastic health, and so I can't say I felt any difference one way or another.
livejournal version
Loria et al (2000) found an association between low vitamin C levels and mortality for men, but not for women. Stuart Brody (2002) reported the highly questionable result that high doses of vitamin C improved mood and increased frequency of sexual intercourse, more so in women and men who did not live with a partner. In a separate experiment, Brody et al. (2002) also reported that women in an ascorbic acid/stress test had smaller cortisol (a stress hormone) reactions than men.
According to the 2005 DGAC report, men appear to take in more vitamin C than women (table, but women consumed more vitamin C as a percentage of their diet (table). This is consistent with Garry et al's 1982 study of an elderly population, which found that men had lower serum ascorbic acid levels than women, despite higher intakes. This affect appeared to be disproportionate to body weight differences, suggesting differences in absorption efficiency.
I've always been fascinated by the different men's and women's formulas for daily multivitamins. Even before I admitted to myself that I needed to live as a man to be happy, I took men's multivitamins and came up with elaborate excuses for why they were a better match for my needs than the women's multis. Honestly, I've been blessed with generally fantastic health, and so I can't say I felt any difference one way or another.
livejournal version
Friday, October 27, 2006
Spooky
Nolan and Ryan (2000) asked 30 male and 30 female college students to recount details of a horror film they remembered, and compared the descriptions. They found that males most often described "rural terror" scenarios (fear of strange places and people), accompanied by feelings of anger and frustration. Females described "family terror" (fear of betrayals and stalkings) and described more intense and more frequent feelings of fear than their male counterparts.
The difference may be due to the portrayal of gender in the films. Cowan and O'Brien (1990) found that while men and women were equally likely to be attacked in horror films, the "slashers" were more likely to be male, and female victims were more likely to survive the attack. The reactions may also be an artifact of social roles. Mundorf et al (2004) found that assessment of opposite-sex reaction had a stronger correlation with emotional response than biological gender, although Harris et al's 2000 findings contradicted these results.
I was surprised that I couldn't find any analysis of whether men and women are afraid of different things, or even what their biggest fears were. Although there is plenty of data on women and violence, I couldn't find any information on whether women were more likely to fear an attack. One piece of social programming that I've always found particularly troubling is the portrait painted of women as natural victims, and men as natural aggressors. Sadly, I can't contradict this assumption with statistics: women do seem to be the victims of violence more often.
I've never had a lot of luck enjoying being frightened. In 2000 I visited a haunted house with some friends and my partner at the time. I was so concerned about staying cool and not jumping when startled that I ended up even more upset than if I'd just allowed myself to get scared. I ended up going home early.
livejournal version
The difference may be due to the portrayal of gender in the films. Cowan and O'Brien (1990) found that while men and women were equally likely to be attacked in horror films, the "slashers" were more likely to be male, and female victims were more likely to survive the attack. The reactions may also be an artifact of social roles. Mundorf et al (2004) found that assessment of opposite-sex reaction had a stronger correlation with emotional response than biological gender, although Harris et al's 2000 findings contradicted these results.
I was surprised that I couldn't find any analysis of whether men and women are afraid of different things, or even what their biggest fears were. Although there is plenty of data on women and violence, I couldn't find any information on whether women were more likely to fear an attack. One piece of social programming that I've always found particularly troubling is the portrait painted of women as natural victims, and men as natural aggressors. Sadly, I can't contradict this assumption with statistics: women do seem to be the victims of violence more often.
I've never had a lot of luck enjoying being frightened. In 2000 I visited a haunted house with some friends and my partner at the time. I was so concerned about staying cool and not jumping when startled that I ended up even more upset than if I'd just allowed myself to get scared. I ended up going home early.
livejournal version
Thursday, October 26, 2006
Love isn't blind, at least not for males
The amygdala, part of the limbic system
Image Courtesy BrainExplorer.Org
Aron et al (2005) showed that males experience greater activation in the visual processing areas of the brain viewing pictures of a beloved person. Haman and Canli's 2004 review cites several studies that demonstrate reward activity in the brain associated with romantic love and sexual arousal, but without significant gender differences. However, arousal seems to involve greater amygdala participation in men than women (such as Hamann et al, 2004; Stoleru et al, 1999). As previously noted (see: "Where is sad? 9/15/06), the amygdala tends to be activated when visual cues stimulate emotion. The amygdala was first associated with fear, but surprisingly, Haman and Canli's review suggests that female orgasm is more linked to the flight-or-fight response than male orgasm.
In the area of parental love, the visual bias turns up again for males. Platek at al (2004, pdf) found that males were more affected by facial resemblance of children than females were.
Back in the bad old days, when I was more comfortable making unequivocal statements (a change I credit to maturation rather than transition), I used to say: "If you want to be appreciated for your mind, date a woman." In my experience, women (while certainly appreciative of physical beauty) don't seem to consider it as much of a requirement as men do. Since transition, I've found that my concentration can be completely derailed by attractive people of both genders, but far more by women than prior to transition. I catch myself staring several times per day. I'm told by male friends that it's simply a matter of training yourself in not getting caught, a process most of them mastered in high school.
livejournal version
Wednesday, October 25, 2006
The jealous type
Christine R. Harris discusses a popular theory of sexual jealousy in her 2003 review; it is widely believed that jealousy was an evolutionary strategy, where sexual jealousy addresses cuckoldry and emotional jealousy is meant to prevent resource loss. Therefore, it is thought that men demonstrate more sexual jealousy than women, and women more emotional jealousy than men. However, Harris doesn't believe that the experimental data confirm this theory. Buss and Haselton (2005), on the other hand, claim that at least 13 hypothesized sex differences in jealousy have been experimentally confirmed.
A look at some of the experimental research suggests that the form of the questions may be introducing bias. Shackelford et al. (2002) presented forced-choice propositions to 256 participants, and found that men were more likely to leave their partner over sexual infidelity, whereas women were more likely to leave over emotional infidelity. Dijkstra and Buunk (2002) reported finding that men were more threatened by rivals who were higher in social status or physical dominance, whereas women were more threatened by rivals who were physically attractive. Criticisms of the forced-choice experimental model are offered by DeSteno et al (2002). Sagarin et al. (2003) suggest that infidelity experience and sexual orientation of the infidelity may be moderating factors in jealousy.
I'm actually a fairly jealous person, I think. People find that surprising, because I live a polyamorous (non-mongamous) lifestyle. Maybe Sagarin et al are right; I've been a cheater more than once. Maybe I don't understand the depth of emotion that other people experience during a jealous episode. I think I do tend more towards emotional jealousy than physical jealousy, but I've never dated a man who didn't. However, I can't think of a single instance where both aspects weren't present. The suggestion that sexual orientation of the infidelity reduces jealousy confuses me, but I know I've heard similar lines of reasoning from people's personal lives. This is one of the areas where I feel like I have a lot of experience, and very little understanding.
livejournal version
A look at some of the experimental research suggests that the form of the questions may be introducing bias. Shackelford et al. (2002) presented forced-choice propositions to 256 participants, and found that men were more likely to leave their partner over sexual infidelity, whereas women were more likely to leave over emotional infidelity. Dijkstra and Buunk (2002) reported finding that men were more threatened by rivals who were higher in social status or physical dominance, whereas women were more threatened by rivals who were physically attractive. Criticisms of the forced-choice experimental model are offered by DeSteno et al (2002). Sagarin et al. (2003) suggest that infidelity experience and sexual orientation of the infidelity may be moderating factors in jealousy.
I'm actually a fairly jealous person, I think. People find that surprising, because I live a polyamorous (non-mongamous) lifestyle. Maybe Sagarin et al are right; I've been a cheater more than once. Maybe I don't understand the depth of emotion that other people experience during a jealous episode. I think I do tend more towards emotional jealousy than physical jealousy, but I've never dated a man who didn't. However, I can't think of a single instance where both aspects weren't present. The suggestion that sexual orientation of the infidelity reduces jealousy confuses me, but I know I've heard similar lines of reasoning from people's personal lives. This is one of the areas where I feel like I have a lot of experience, and very little understanding.
livejournal version
The jealous type
Christine R. Harris discusses a popular theory of sexual jealousy in her 2003 review; it is widely believed that jealousy was an evolutionary strategy, where sexual jealousy addresses cuckoldry and emotional jealousy is meant to prevent resource loss. Therefore, it is thought that men demonstrate more sexual jealousy than women, and women more emotional jealousy than men. However, Harris doesn't believe that the experimental data confirm this theory. Buss and Haselton (2005), on the other hand, claim that at least 13 hypothesized sex differences in jealousy have been experimentally confirmed.
A look at some of the experimental research suggests that the form of the questions may be introducing bias. Shackelford et al. (2002) presented forced-choice propositions to 256 participants, and found that men were more likely to leave their partner over sexual infidelity, whereas women were more likely to leave over emotional infidelity. Dijkstra and Buunk (2002) reported finding that men were more threatened by rivals who were higher in social status or physical dominance, whereas women were more threatened by rivals who were physically attractive. Criticisms of the forced-choice experimental model are offered by DeSteno et al (2002). Sagarin et al. (2003) suggest that infidelity experience and sexual orientation of the infidelity may be moderating factors in jealousy.
I'm actually a fairly jealous person, I think. People find that surprising, because I live a polyamorous (non-mongamous) lifestyle. Maybe Sagarin et al are right; I've been a cheater more than once. Maybe I don't understand the depth of emotion that other people experience during a jealous episode. I think I do tend more towards emotional jealousy than physical jealousy, but I've never dated a man who didn't. However, I can't think of a single instance where both aspects weren't present. The suggestion that sexual orientation of the infidelity reduces jealousy confuses me, but I know I've heard similar lines of reasoning from people's personal lives. This is one of the areas where I feel like I have a lot of experience, and very little understanding.
livejournal version
A look at some of the experimental research suggests that the form of the questions may be introducing bias. Shackelford et al. (2002) presented forced-choice propositions to 256 participants, and found that men were more likely to leave their partner over sexual infidelity, whereas women were more likely to leave over emotional infidelity. Dijkstra and Buunk (2002) reported finding that men were more threatened by rivals who were higher in social status or physical dominance, whereas women were more threatened by rivals who were physically attractive. Criticisms of the forced-choice experimental model are offered by DeSteno et al (2002). Sagarin et al. (2003) suggest that infidelity experience and sexual orientation of the infidelity may be moderating factors in jealousy.
I'm actually a fairly jealous person, I think. People find that surprising, because I live a polyamorous (non-mongamous) lifestyle. Maybe Sagarin et al are right; I've been a cheater more than once. Maybe I don't understand the depth of emotion that other people experience during a jealous episode. I think I do tend more towards emotional jealousy than physical jealousy, but I've never dated a man who didn't. However, I can't think of a single instance where both aspects weren't present. The suggestion that sexual orientation of the infidelity reduces jealousy confuses me, but I know I've heard similar lines of reasoning from people's personal lives. This is one of the areas where I feel like I have a lot of experience, and very little understanding.
livejournal version
Tuesday, October 24, 2006
Smoking and weight
Continuing the subject from yesterday's post, a McGill University study suggests that smoking for weight control is ineffective for women. An article in the Vancouver Sun (10/23/2006) quotes researcher Louise Pilote: "girls do say that they smoke to keep weight off or lose it, but the science doesn't prove that, since smoking had no effect on girls' weight and boys gained less weight than girls." An interview in Globe and Mail (10/24/2006) goes further: "Boys who smoke, on the other hand, are leaner and shorter than their non-smoking peers, evidence that smoking actually stunts their growth." Another McGill researcher, Igor Karp, suggests to the Globe and Mail that the earlier onset of puberty for girls may explain this effect. Girls tend to reach puberty before they begin smoking, whereas boys may begin smoking before their "growth spurt."
These findings should not be a total surprise. Halek et al (1993) found that teenaged female smokers were more likely to be overweight than their non-smoking counterparts. The smokers were also more likely to be worried about their weight, but causality is unclear from this study. Austin and Gortmaker's 2001 study suggests that the weight concerns may precede the smoking initiation, as they showed that girls who dieted frequently were two to four times as likely to become smokers as non-dieters.
I find this incredibly embarrassing to admit, but I really liked fashion magazines in high school and college. I bring it up because I remember a quote which I thought was attributed to Kate Moss, but a search online credits it to model Beverly Peele: "You don't really have time to eat. You're so busy working and traveling and trying to get the few hours of sleep you can. You smoke a lot, and that keeps your weight down." I launched into a three-cigarette (a common measure of time among the smokers I know) diatribe about how terrible it was to publish a quote like that in a magazine aimed at young women. I don't think I appreciated the irony at the time.
livejournal version
These findings should not be a total surprise. Halek et al (1993) found that teenaged female smokers were more likely to be overweight than their non-smoking counterparts. The smokers were also more likely to be worried about their weight, but causality is unclear from this study. Austin and Gortmaker's 2001 study suggests that the weight concerns may precede the smoking initiation, as they showed that girls who dieted frequently were two to four times as likely to become smokers as non-dieters.
I find this incredibly embarrassing to admit, but I really liked fashion magazines in high school and college. I bring it up because I remember a quote which I thought was attributed to Kate Moss, but a search online credits it to model Beverly Peele: "You don't really have time to eat. You're so busy working and traveling and trying to get the few hours of sleep you can. You smoke a lot, and that keeps your weight down." I launched into a three-cigarette (a common measure of time among the smokers I know) diatribe about how terrible it was to publish a quote like that in a magazine aimed at young women. I don't think I appreciated the irony at the time.
livejournal version
Monday, October 23, 2006
The Naltrexone Mystery
A preliminary study by the University of Chicago (2006) suggests that the opiate blocker naltrexone may help women quit smoking, but not men. In addition, men had a higher quit-success rate without the drug than women (about 2/3 as compares to 39%). Researcher Andrea King told the Chicago Tribune (10/17/2006) that it is suspected that low tolerance for weight gain main prevent women from remaining smoke free. Information about King's continuing study is posted at ClinicalTrials.gov.
Naltrexone was first approved by the FDA as a treatment for heroin addiction, but the thinking that it blocks natural opiates in the brain has led to research using it to treat many other addictions. In contrast to King's smoking study, Garbutt et al (2005) found that injectable naltrexone therapy was more effective for men than women in treating alcoholism. Jon E. Grant (2003) reported success in three cases of treating compulsive buying with naltrexone. Modesto-Lowe and Van Kirk's 2002 review suggests several lines of inquiry for further naltrexone uses, such as in treating self-injurious behavior and compulsive gambling.
I'd repeat the old saw that quitting smoking isn't easy for anyone, but I'd be lying. Some people are able to stop as soon as they decide to do so. Others struggle and relapse continually. I find quitting smoking easy; I've done it six or seven times. Unfortunately, I find starting smoking much easier. I do have to admit that weight gain has entered my thinking more than once (when I quit last April, I gained about 15% of my body weight over a month). I think it's more of an excuse than a reason. My addiction-addled brain is like a wheedling lover, trying tactic after tactic to convince me that I can have just one, that it will really be okay, that one cigarette is ultimately less harmful than whatever food or other indulgence I'm trying to avoid.
livejournal version
Naltrexone was first approved by the FDA as a treatment for heroin addiction, but the thinking that it blocks natural opiates in the brain has led to research using it to treat many other addictions. In contrast to King's smoking study, Garbutt et al (2005) found that injectable naltrexone therapy was more effective for men than women in treating alcoholism. Jon E. Grant (2003) reported success in three cases of treating compulsive buying with naltrexone. Modesto-Lowe and Van Kirk's 2002 review suggests several lines of inquiry for further naltrexone uses, such as in treating self-injurious behavior and compulsive gambling.
I'd repeat the old saw that quitting smoking isn't easy for anyone, but I'd be lying. Some people are able to stop as soon as they decide to do so. Others struggle and relapse continually. I find quitting smoking easy; I've done it six or seven times. Unfortunately, I find starting smoking much easier. I do have to admit that weight gain has entered my thinking more than once (when I quit last April, I gained about 15% of my body weight over a month). I think it's more of an excuse than a reason. My addiction-addled brain is like a wheedling lover, trying tactic after tactic to convince me that I can have just one, that it will really be okay, that one cigarette is ultimately less harmful than whatever food or other indulgence I'm trying to avoid.
livejournal version
Friday, October 20, 2006
Attitude problems
University of British Columbia psychologists have concluded that women do worse on mathematical tests when told that women are worse at math, according to a paper published in the October 20th Science Magazine. Ilan Dar-Nimrod and Steven J. Heine administered a GRE-like test to document what they call "stereotype threat": "Stereotype threat is a phenomenon in which the activation of a self-relevant stereotype leads people to show stereotype-consistent behavior, thereby perpetuating the stereotypes." (Science, 2006). Interestingly, the effects of stereotype threat appear to be manipulable; women who were told that performance in math was tied to genetics scored worse than women who were told it was based on experiential differences.
Pronin et al. (2004) found that women who had achieved high levels of success in mathematics denied having stereotypical female attributes "strongly associated" with the stereotype (e.g. flirtaciousness, desire for children) more than "weakly associated" attributes (e.g. empathy, nurturance). Women who had not achieved as much mathematically did not differentiate in their identification with the two types of attributes. Koenig and Eagly (2005) tested the stereotype principle on men, in a test of social sensitivity. While the test had some success, they found that men's performance was largely dependent on their choice of strategy, in addition to the stereotype priming. An experiment using high school students by Johannes Keller (2002) suggests that women may be self-handicapping more consciously than assumed by these other studies. At least in Keller's population, the expected social consequences of non-conformity seemed more important than the test score.
I don't even feel like I need to write an anecdotal section to this one. Look back at my commentary and at reader comments for the past two months. As I present each gender difference, not only do I compare myself to them, but it seems each reader measures their own compatibility or incompatibility with the research. Early in my transition I was absolutely obsessed with gender stereotypes; obviously my interest held to some degree. But any stereotype, no matter how frivolous, was a source for endless anxiety and "self-improvement." I trained myself to walk different, talk differently, check my shoes for dog soil differently. I've loosened up a bit, with time, but I worry that Difference Blog may be providing similar angst-fodder for other men in my position.
One type of experiment I didn't find, but I want to look for more (and revisit this topic) is whether anyone compared the effect of stereotype threat between men and women. I suspect (due to sources quoted in other posts) that men are less affected by stereotype threat than women. Most of the other research I've posted about suggests that women are more attuned to and more susceptible to social cues. Telling a woman she'll do badly may affect her more than telling a man that he will do badly.
livejournal version
Pronin et al. (2004) found that women who had achieved high levels of success in mathematics denied having stereotypical female attributes "strongly associated" with the stereotype (e.g. flirtaciousness, desire for children) more than "weakly associated" attributes (e.g. empathy, nurturance). Women who had not achieved as much mathematically did not differentiate in their identification with the two types of attributes. Koenig and Eagly (2005) tested the stereotype principle on men, in a test of social sensitivity. While the test had some success, they found that men's performance was largely dependent on their choice of strategy, in addition to the stereotype priming. An experiment using high school students by Johannes Keller (2002) suggests that women may be self-handicapping more consciously than assumed by these other studies. At least in Keller's population, the expected social consequences of non-conformity seemed more important than the test score.
I don't even feel like I need to write an anecdotal section to this one. Look back at my commentary and at reader comments for the past two months. As I present each gender difference, not only do I compare myself to them, but it seems each reader measures their own compatibility or incompatibility with the research. Early in my transition I was absolutely obsessed with gender stereotypes; obviously my interest held to some degree. But any stereotype, no matter how frivolous, was a source for endless anxiety and "self-improvement." I trained myself to walk different, talk differently, check my shoes for dog soil differently. I've loosened up a bit, with time, but I worry that Difference Blog may be providing similar angst-fodder for other men in my position.
One type of experiment I didn't find, but I want to look for more (and revisit this topic) is whether anyone compared the effect of stereotype threat between men and women. I suspect (due to sources quoted in other posts) that men are less affected by stereotype threat than women. Most of the other research I've posted about suggests that women are more attuned to and more susceptible to social cues. Telling a woman she'll do badly may affect her more than telling a man that he will do badly.
livejournal version
Thursday, October 19, 2006
DHEA & T vs. XX & XY
Although present in both men and women, DHEA levels are higher in men throughout life. DHEA is produced in the adrenal gland, and according to Quackwatch.com (2004) "no one knows exactly what it does in the body." DHEA is easily converted into testosterone and estrogen. A Mayo Clinic study (Nair et al, 2006) published today in the New England Journal of Medicine examined the effects of the sex steroid Dehydroepiandrosterone (DHEA) in elderly men and women. Despite health-food store and internet claims that DHEA is the "fountain of youth," Nair et al largely confirmed results of the French "DHEAge" study (2000) which showed that the only consistent effect of DHEA administration was to raise DHEA levels.
In terms of gender-specific responses to DHEA administration, results have been inconsistent enough that it is difficult to draw conclusions. The DHEAge study showed some increase in female (but not male) libido. Nair et al. reported bone mineral density increased in both men and women, but these were site-specific and different between the sexes. As Paul M. Stewart (2006) puts it in his editorial about Nair et al's study, BMD changes "have been small, specific to site and sex, and not reproducible between studies." Nair et al also found a slight decrease in HDL ("good" cholesterol) for men and women taken together, but no other lipid changes. Kudielka et al (1998) showed that DHEA treatment seemed to affect adrenal stress hormone levels in elderly women under social stress tests, but not in men. Kudielka et al's study did not show any reduction of subjective stress, however. Gurnell and Chatterjee's review (2001) suggested that DHEA's seeming effectiveness in women might be attributable to raising androgen levels above what would normally be expected in women, although (being pro-DHEA) they were quick to point out that the body hair and lipid level side effects had not been demonstrated as being present.
My relationship to OTC hormones is largely influenced by my participation in the transsexual community. It seems like the question arises again and again in the female-to-male online forums: "will taking DHEA give me masculinizing effects?" Testosterone itself is schedule III controlled substance (like ketamine or codeine), with heavily restricted access and legal implications for unauthorized possession, which DrugPolicy.org says are rapidly increasing due to media attention. Therefore, a lot of transsexuals frustrated with the red tape attempt to jump-start their transition with "dietary supplements" -- an expensive and ineffective habit. I am somewhat heartened to see that most of the DHEA studies show no ill effect from the administration of DHEA, but I worry about what long-term effects may be looming in the future. However, this concern is probably biased, since the Mayo Clinic points out that long-term effects of the plain-old-testosterone therapy I take myself are largely unknown.
livejournal version
In terms of gender-specific responses to DHEA administration, results have been inconsistent enough that it is difficult to draw conclusions. The DHEAge study showed some increase in female (but not male) libido. Nair et al. reported bone mineral density increased in both men and women, but these were site-specific and different between the sexes. As Paul M. Stewart (2006) puts it in his editorial about Nair et al's study, BMD changes "have been small, specific to site and sex, and not reproducible between studies." Nair et al also found a slight decrease in HDL ("good" cholesterol) for men and women taken together, but no other lipid changes. Kudielka et al (1998) showed that DHEA treatment seemed to affect adrenal stress hormone levels in elderly women under social stress tests, but not in men. Kudielka et al's study did not show any reduction of subjective stress, however. Gurnell and Chatterjee's review (2001) suggested that DHEA's seeming effectiveness in women might be attributable to raising androgen levels above what would normally be expected in women, although (being pro-DHEA) they were quick to point out that the body hair and lipid level side effects had not been demonstrated as being present.
My relationship to OTC hormones is largely influenced by my participation in the transsexual community. It seems like the question arises again and again in the female-to-male online forums: "will taking DHEA give me masculinizing effects?" Testosterone itself is schedule III controlled substance (like ketamine or codeine), with heavily restricted access and legal implications for unauthorized possession, which DrugPolicy.org says are rapidly increasing due to media attention. Therefore, a lot of transsexuals frustrated with the red tape attempt to jump-start their transition with "dietary supplements" -- an expensive and ineffective habit. I am somewhat heartened to see that most of the DHEA studies show no ill effect from the administration of DHEA, but I worry about what long-term effects may be looming in the future. However, this concern is probably biased, since the Mayo Clinic points out that long-term effects of the plain-old-testosterone therapy I take myself are largely unknown.
livejournal version
Wednesday, October 18, 2006
A matter of taste
According to a 1997 review by Drewnowski, foods high in sugars and fat are universally appealing to humans. Blogger Wendy Maynard, "The Marketing Maven," expresses the widely held opinion that women have a different relationship to chocolate than men do. Maynard goes on to express surprise that the major chocolate companies are not marketing specifically to women. Do women really respond differently to chocolate than men do? Smeets et al (2006) found sex differences in chocolate satiety in the hypothalamus, ventral striatum, and medial prefrontal cortex using fMRI.
Grogan et al (1997) surveyed 129 men and women about their attitudes towards sweet snacks. Interestingly, they found that women's behavior was predicted not only by their attitude towards the snacks, but also by social pressure to eat them. Men's behavior was predicted only by their attitude toward the snacks. Grunberg and Straub (1992) found that women under stress ate more sweet and bland (as opposed to salty) food under stress conditions than they did under control conditions.
I was in neuropsychology class yesterday and we were talking about how the hypothalamus responds to things put in the mouth. One of the other students inquired if this might have something to do with the way women respond to chocolate. The professor pointed out that chocolate is psychoactive on its own merits, but admitted there might be other cravings related to chocolate. It got me thinking about the stereotype of women and chocolate, and how "manly" snacks tended to be salty, whereas women were often pictured indulging in sweets. I've always had something of a sweet tooth as well as salty cravings, but my dietary habits are too variable to draw any connections to my transition.
livejournal version
Grogan et al (1997) surveyed 129 men and women about their attitudes towards sweet snacks. Interestingly, they found that women's behavior was predicted not only by their attitude towards the snacks, but also by social pressure to eat them. Men's behavior was predicted only by their attitude toward the snacks. Grunberg and Straub (1992) found that women under stress ate more sweet and bland (as opposed to salty) food under stress conditions than they did under control conditions.
I was in neuropsychology class yesterday and we were talking about how the hypothalamus responds to things put in the mouth. One of the other students inquired if this might have something to do with the way women respond to chocolate. The professor pointed out that chocolate is psychoactive on its own merits, but admitted there might be other cravings related to chocolate. It got me thinking about the stereotype of women and chocolate, and how "manly" snacks tended to be salty, whereas women were often pictured indulging in sweets. I've always had something of a sweet tooth as well as salty cravings, but my dietary habits are too variable to draw any connections to my transition.
livejournal version
Tuesday, October 17, 2006
Sorting through the noise
Fig. 1 from Shaywitz et al. (1995), downloaded from
Nature.com,shows a composite of 19 male brains (left) vs.
19 female brains (right)during phonological processing. This
represents a subtraction of results from two different tests.
This sort of subtraction may be pivotal to understanding gender differences in brain function, since (as Cahill points out), identical performance does not necessarily mean identical process. Men and women may perform equally well on a task that they are performing using different cognitive strategies and/or brain regions, but by measuring performance alone, these differences remain hidden.
One of the things I did when I first started to transition was attempt to increase my ability with male-stereotyped brain tasks. I would attempt to rotate 3-D objects in my head instead of reading a book, or try to read maps without orienting them the way I was facing. I do think that the practice helped, but it amuses and saddens me how much I wanted to excel at these tasks. Even now, I fight the urge to constantly test myself -- to make sure that I'm masculine enough to deserve the life I enjoy so much. I think every man wonders from time to time if he's "man enough". I just get a little extra doubt.
livejournal version
Monday, October 16, 2006
I can see clearly now
Krause et al. (1982) surveyed vision correction in 14 year olds in Finland. They found that girls were more likely than boys to have corrective lenses, but that when boys did need correction, their cases of myopia or hyperopia were more pronounced. This suggests that the boys (or perhaps their parents) had a higher threshold for correction-seeking than the girls, which is in line with what we already know about the medical habits of males (see "Playing Doctor", Aug 31). Taylor et al (1997) found higher rates of vision correction in adult women as well. However, Kleinstein's 1984 review calls the vision difference between males and females "small and not well-documented."
In his argument for a return to traditional sex roles, Taking Sex Differences Seriously, Steven E. Rhodes claims that women have better night vision than men, ostensibly to better care for "teary infants in the moonless grass," whereas men have better day vision for hunting (according to a 2004 review by Carlson of the "Family Research Council"). The "Search Your Love" dating advice suggests that women have better peripheral vision than men to help them "to see what’s happening around the house, to spot an approaching danger, to notice changes in the children’s behavior and appearance". However, I was unable to find any backup for either of these assertions.
I remember desperately wanting glasses in elementary school. In 2nd or 3rd grade, the other kids started to get glasses, and while I remember it was the kids that I wanted to be like who were getting them, the only specific kid I can remember is a boy named Patrick, who had gold aviator frames. I can't remember ever thinking that glasses were uncool or a sign of infirmity, but later I remember thinking that being allowed to wear contacts was a major rite of passage into adulthood. I wore contacts for most of my adolescent and young adult life, but switched back to glasses when I transitioned because having masculine frames helped me "pass" better.
livejournal version
In his argument for a return to traditional sex roles, Taking Sex Differences Seriously, Steven E. Rhodes claims that women have better night vision than men, ostensibly to better care for "teary infants in the moonless grass," whereas men have better day vision for hunting (according to a 2004 review by Carlson of the "Family Research Council"). The "Search Your Love" dating advice suggests that women have better peripheral vision than men to help them "to see what’s happening around the house, to spot an approaching danger, to notice changes in the children’s behavior and appearance". However, I was unable to find any backup for either of these assertions.
I remember desperately wanting glasses in elementary school. In 2nd or 3rd grade, the other kids started to get glasses, and while I remember it was the kids that I wanted to be like who were getting them, the only specific kid I can remember is a boy named Patrick, who had gold aviator frames. I can't remember ever thinking that glasses were uncool or a sign of infirmity, but later I remember thinking that being allowed to wear contacts was a major rite of passage into adulthood. I wore contacts for most of my adolescent and young adult life, but switched back to glasses when I transitioned because having masculine frames helped me "pass" better.
livejournal version
Friday, October 13, 2006
Louann Brizendine's Brain
Louann Brizendine's The Female Brain cracked the top ten list on Amazon's Top Sellers, (currently at #231) according to a Washington Post review by William Booth. Her book claims to reveal neurological explanations for nearly all gender differences, such as why women talk more and why men don't listen. However, critics claim she's misrepresenting the research. Blogger and linguist Mark Liberman's elegantly disdainful post on the book calls Brizendine's book part of a growing body of gender science which is "simply made up." Liberman references several studies which contradict Brizendine's claims about differences in use of language.
However, whatever spin and implicit assumptions may be crippling the book, Brizendine's other work could yield some more conrete information about sexual dimorphism in the brain. In 1994, Brizendine founded the Women's Mood and Hormone Clinic, described on her website as "a unique psychiatric clinic designed to assess and treat women of all ages experiencing disruption of mood, energy, anxiety, sexual function and well-being due to hormonal influences on the brain." Neuroscience blogger (and seeming Brizendine fanboy) Zack Lynch calls the clinic a response to the fact that "almost all of the clinical data in existence on neurology, psychology, and neurobiology focused exclusively on males." The clinic's focus, along with the National Institute of Health's policy on the inclusion of women in research studies (established in 1986, and updated in 1994 and 2001) may give us more reliable answers to the questions Brizendine attempts to address.
I spend a lot of time worrying about whether Difference Blog is playing into sexual stereotypes; Brizendine would call that a feminine trait, since women have a bigger "worrywart center" (her term for the anterior cingulated cortex). While my own neuroscientific ambitions also focus on the effects of sex hormones on the brain, I think (or perhaps just hope?) that she and I are approaching these issues from different angles. I'm approaching testosterone as being the wonder drug that changed my life for the better, and I do try to temper my enthusiasm, since it's a lousy fix for most of the world. I've noticed in my own medical experiences that female endocrinologists seem to have an almost fearful approach to testosterone; my experience with male endocrinologists (n=1) seems to demonstrate a much more accepting view of the androgen. While I appreciate Brizendine's take that some research does seem to support gender stereotypes (see: this entire blog), I worry that none of the interviews I've read seem to suggest that she feels there's anything wrong with the way they're used. It seems to me that if women's skills seem less useful, then society's priorities are screwed up (mine included).
livejournal version
However, whatever spin and implicit assumptions may be crippling the book, Brizendine's other work could yield some more conrete information about sexual dimorphism in the brain. In 1994, Brizendine founded the Women's Mood and Hormone Clinic, described on her website as "a unique psychiatric clinic designed to assess and treat women of all ages experiencing disruption of mood, energy, anxiety, sexual function and well-being due to hormonal influences on the brain." Neuroscience blogger (and seeming Brizendine fanboy) Zack Lynch calls the clinic a response to the fact that "almost all of the clinical data in existence on neurology, psychology, and neurobiology focused exclusively on males." The clinic's focus, along with the National Institute of Health's policy on the inclusion of women in research studies (established in 1986, and updated in 1994 and 2001) may give us more reliable answers to the questions Brizendine attempts to address.
I spend a lot of time worrying about whether Difference Blog is playing into sexual stereotypes; Brizendine would call that a feminine trait, since women have a bigger "worrywart center" (her term for the anterior cingulated cortex). While my own neuroscientific ambitions also focus on the effects of sex hormones on the brain, I think (or perhaps just hope?) that she and I are approaching these issues from different angles. I'm approaching testosterone as being the wonder drug that changed my life for the better, and I do try to temper my enthusiasm, since it's a lousy fix for most of the world. I've noticed in my own medical experiences that female endocrinologists seem to have an almost fearful approach to testosterone; my experience with male endocrinologists (n=1) seems to demonstrate a much more accepting view of the androgen. While I appreciate Brizendine's take that some research does seem to support gender stereotypes (see: this entire blog), I worry that none of the interviews I've read seem to suggest that she feels there's anything wrong with the way they're used. It seems to me that if women's skills seem less useful, then society's priorities are screwed up (mine included).
livejournal version
Thursday, October 12, 2006
Hot and Cold
An article in the Pittsburgh Post-Gazette profiles the work of Danish researcher Ole Fanger, who died last month. Fanger's research on environmental influences on workplace performance. Contrary to commonly held beliefs, Fanger said that he had not found differences in temperature perception between men and women.
In a 2001 review for Current opinion in clinical nutrition and metabolic care,Kaciuba-Uscilko and Grucza explain some of the known differences between men and women's ability to thermoregulate, or control their core temperature. While men sweat more, it appears that women's sweat is more efficient in cooling. Differences in body shape and subcutaneous fat also affect women's thermoregulation. Lindgren et al (2000) found that female flight crews had more complaints of the temperature being too low than males. Meh and Denislic (1994) found women were more sensitive to small changes in temperature than men. However Harju (2002) found more difference between age groups than between genders in cold/warmth perception.
The most telling research may be that by Adam (1989), who found that there was an inverse relationship between body mass and mean body temperature, regardless of gender. That is, smaller people tend to have higher body temperatures. A higher body temperature could mean that the environment feels cooler, and since women are (on average) smaller than men, lead to the conclusion that women tend to feel more cool.
I often kick myself that I didn't more carefully measure myself before and after taking testosterone. I don't have any idea if my average temperature rose or fell, but I know that I feel hot more of the time, and I sweat far more than I ever did before. My partner also says that I put out more heat when sleeping; it's common for us to build a protective wall of blankets between us to keep the heat separated. In my own experience, from sleeping next to both men and women, women seem to exude less heat. I don't know where this fits in with the idea of a lower body temperature, but may have something to do with the greater body fat percentage. Or, my experiences could be totally anomalous.
livejournal version
In a 2001 review for Current opinion in clinical nutrition and metabolic care,Kaciuba-Uscilko and Grucza explain some of the known differences between men and women's ability to thermoregulate, or control their core temperature. While men sweat more, it appears that women's sweat is more efficient in cooling. Differences in body shape and subcutaneous fat also affect women's thermoregulation. Lindgren et al (2000) found that female flight crews had more complaints of the temperature being too low than males. Meh and Denislic (1994) found women were more sensitive to small changes in temperature than men. However Harju (2002) found more difference between age groups than between genders in cold/warmth perception.
The most telling research may be that by Adam (1989), who found that there was an inverse relationship between body mass and mean body temperature, regardless of gender. That is, smaller people tend to have higher body temperatures. A higher body temperature could mean that the environment feels cooler, and since women are (on average) smaller than men, lead to the conclusion that women tend to feel more cool.
I often kick myself that I didn't more carefully measure myself before and after taking testosterone. I don't have any idea if my average temperature rose or fell, but I know that I feel hot more of the time, and I sweat far more than I ever did before. My partner also says that I put out more heat when sleeping; it's common for us to build a protective wall of blankets between us to keep the heat separated. In my own experience, from sleeping next to both men and women, women seem to exude less heat. I don't know where this fits in with the idea of a lower body temperature, but may have something to do with the greater body fat percentage. Or, my experiences could be totally anomalous.
livejournal version
Wednesday, October 11, 2006
More medicine
An October 10th article in the UK's Daily Mail begins with the statement "We all know men and women speak a different language when it comes to love and housework, but when we're ill, doctors treat us the same." While this point is arguable, the article's point about women being treated as slightly smaller men is valid. As previously noted in Difference Blog, women have not been included in many medical studies until recently, meaning that the data on women's health (in comparison to men's) is sparse. The Daily Mail article focuses on two points of inquiry: gender-activated genes and differential symptoms.
Vawter et al (2004) examined how brain development can be affected by the supression of certain genes -- leading to gender differences which are not specifically on the sex chromosomes. Vawter et al. suggest that this may be related to gender differences in some types of psychological disorders. Nature (2006) profiled mouse genome research about gender-activated genes in July. Researchers at the University of California found that 70% of genes in the liver, where drugs are processed, are expressed differently between men and women.
These differences may, at least partially, explain the differences in symptoms experienced by men and women. McSweeney et al (2004) discusses some of the differences in early-warning symptoms for acute myocardial infarction (AMI, i.e. a heart attack) between men and women. Only 29.7% of the women they surveyed, who had suffered AMIs, had experience chest pain, "a hallmark symptom in men." Patel et al's meta-analysis (2005) did show chest pain as the most common symptom in both men and women (although it was experience by a greater percentage of men), but found other patterns in women's symptoms, such as nausea/vomiting, and joint/back pain.
One of the side effects of the testosterone I take is that it raises my "bad" (LDL) cholesterol and lowers my "good" (HDL) cholesterol. This worries my doctors more than it does me, but I'm interested in one point mentioned in the Daily Mail article that I didn't get a chance to research, yet. Apparently, women benefit more from raising HDL cholesterol, whereas men benefit from loweing LDL cholesterol. Guess which one statins (cholesterol drugs) affect? If you guessed "the one that benefits women," you haven't been listening. Personally, I have no idea which half of the equation would be more likely to benefit me, but I'm willing to guess that working on both halves wouldn't hurt me any.
livejournal version
Vawter et al (2004) examined how brain development can be affected by the supression of certain genes -- leading to gender differences which are not specifically on the sex chromosomes. Vawter et al. suggest that this may be related to gender differences in some types of psychological disorders. Nature (2006) profiled mouse genome research about gender-activated genes in July. Researchers at the University of California found that 70% of genes in the liver, where drugs are processed, are expressed differently between men and women.
These differences may, at least partially, explain the differences in symptoms experienced by men and women. McSweeney et al (2004) discusses some of the differences in early-warning symptoms for acute myocardial infarction (AMI, i.e. a heart attack) between men and women. Only 29.7% of the women they surveyed, who had suffered AMIs, had experience chest pain, "a hallmark symptom in men." Patel et al's meta-analysis (2005) did show chest pain as the most common symptom in both men and women (although it was experience by a greater percentage of men), but found other patterns in women's symptoms, such as nausea/vomiting, and joint/back pain.
One of the side effects of the testosterone I take is that it raises my "bad" (LDL) cholesterol and lowers my "good" (HDL) cholesterol. This worries my doctors more than it does me, but I'm interested in one point mentioned in the Daily Mail article that I didn't get a chance to research, yet. Apparently, women benefit more from raising HDL cholesterol, whereas men benefit from loweing LDL cholesterol. Guess which one statins (cholesterol drugs) affect? If you guessed "the one that benefits women," you haven't been listening. Personally, I have no idea which half of the equation would be more likely to benefit me, but I'm willing to guess that working on both halves wouldn't hurt me any.
livejournal version
Tuesday, October 10, 2006
Conference: "The Painful Truth"
The Painful Truth: A Conference on Gender and Pain Research, held last month at the University of Maryland-Baltimore, set out to examine differences in pain perception and treatment between men and women. According to a FoxNews.com report on the conference, the conference included a two-day closed-door meeting in the hopes of creating recommendations for standardizing pain research, so that it could begin to take into account some of the key differences. The conference was sponsored by the Sex, Gender, and Pain Special Interest Group of the International Association for the Study of Pain.
Joel D Greenspan, a conference organizer, said that pain research lacks "guidelines to guarantee consistency from study to study." Women and men, as is often the case in neurological studies, were being grouped together when their responses might be very different. The FoxNews.com report claims that "recent studies" show that men are more likely to be prescribed painkillers than women, but Paulose-Ram et al. (2003) did not show any significant difference between prescription painkiller use between men and women. One of the main issues to be addressed is whether it is feasible or useful to create painkillers that work for one sex, but not for the other, something of a hot topic in the the study of pharmacology (see articles here and here -- discussion, not research). (Also see Pink Pills and Blue Pills for the last Difference Blog discussion of this topic).
Today's entry is a bit rushed, and I apologize. I have to run off to go get a pelvic ultrasound. After three years of not menstruating, my doctor wants to make sure there's no problems developing with my dormant (but otherwise intact) uterus. Honestly, I know there are lots of other parts that can go wrong in some of the systems I don't have (for example, I'll never have to get a prostate exam), but a lot of the time it really feels like I got the short end of every stick (no pun intended).
But thinking about my frequent doctor's visits in reference to today's topic (pain management), I worry about what the "future of pain management" holds for irregular cases such as myself. Most of the pain literature seems to focus on hormonal differences. My hormone levels are artificially induced, and in all likelihood, mismatched to my neural structure. Which drug will I use?
livejournal version
Joel D Greenspan, a conference organizer, said that pain research lacks "guidelines to guarantee consistency from study to study." Women and men, as is often the case in neurological studies, were being grouped together when their responses might be very different. The FoxNews.com report claims that "recent studies" show that men are more likely to be prescribed painkillers than women, but Paulose-Ram et al. (2003) did not show any significant difference between prescription painkiller use between men and women. One of the main issues to be addressed is whether it is feasible or useful to create painkillers that work for one sex, but not for the other, something of a hot topic in the the study of pharmacology (see articles here and here -- discussion, not research). (Also see Pink Pills and Blue Pills for the last Difference Blog discussion of this topic).
Today's entry is a bit rushed, and I apologize. I have to run off to go get a pelvic ultrasound. After three years of not menstruating, my doctor wants to make sure there's no problems developing with my dormant (but otherwise intact) uterus. Honestly, I know there are lots of other parts that can go wrong in some of the systems I don't have (for example, I'll never have to get a prostate exam), but a lot of the time it really feels like I got the short end of every stick (no pun intended).
But thinking about my frequent doctor's visits in reference to today's topic (pain management), I worry about what the "future of pain management" holds for irregular cases such as myself. Most of the pain literature seems to focus on hormonal differences. My hormone levels are artificially induced, and in all likelihood, mismatched to my neural structure. Which drug will I use?
livejournal version
Monday, October 9, 2006
Breaking down myths
In Same Difference: How Gender Myths Are Hurting Our Relationships, Our Children, and Our Jobs (2004), authors Rosalind C. Barnett and Caryl Rivers take on various "myths" of gender difference. A summary of some of these arguments appears in their article Against Single-Sex Public Schools (L.A. Times, 2006) (subject discussed here on Difference Blog). Their complaints about many evolutionary psychology theories are valid: that they are based largely on speculation, that they extrapolate widely from animal studies and anecdotal evidence, that their sources are not peer-reviewed.
The authors' main complaint is that gender difference literature is used to justify discrimination. Studies that do not confirm gender stereotypes, they say, "don't make headlines." On her website, Barnett says: "the future of gender is marked by a decreased emphasis on difference and an increased emphasis on individual abilities, talents and preferences." While a noble social concept, this model would weaken scientific investigation, according to Larry Cahill (2006). Cahill's review for Nature Reviews Neuroscience addresses some of the dangers of ignoring the effects of gender in scientific research. The review also addresses what may be the biggest myth of gender and the focus of Barnett and Rivers' complaints: that gender differences necessarily make one sex or the other better-equipped. Cahill's article says: "neural sex differences can, in some cases, create behavioral sex differences, but might, in other cases, prevent them (when, for instance, they would be maladaptive) by compensating for sex differences in other physiological conditions, such as sex hormone levels."
I find myself worrying frequently about whether the sources I post to Difference Blog are being accepted without skepticism -- by me, or by the readers. I once stated my personal mission as being to "increase the amount of skepticism in the world." Generally, I feel no matter what I write, it will be interpreted to fit the reader's beliefs. When I research and write these articles, I am aware of comparing myself to the "male" and "female" models that I'm building, and trying to fit myself into the middle ground. Perhaps I don't give other people enough credit for objectivity; usually I'm afraid I give them too much.
livejournal version
The authors' main complaint is that gender difference literature is used to justify discrimination. Studies that do not confirm gender stereotypes, they say, "don't make headlines." On her website, Barnett says: "the future of gender is marked by a decreased emphasis on difference and an increased emphasis on individual abilities, talents and preferences." While a noble social concept, this model would weaken scientific investigation, according to Larry Cahill (2006). Cahill's review for Nature Reviews Neuroscience addresses some of the dangers of ignoring the effects of gender in scientific research. The review also addresses what may be the biggest myth of gender and the focus of Barnett and Rivers' complaints: that gender differences necessarily make one sex or the other better-equipped. Cahill's article says: "neural sex differences can, in some cases, create behavioral sex differences, but might, in other cases, prevent them (when, for instance, they would be maladaptive) by compensating for sex differences in other physiological conditions, such as sex hormone levels."
I find myself worrying frequently about whether the sources I post to Difference Blog are being accepted without skepticism -- by me, or by the readers. I once stated my personal mission as being to "increase the amount of skepticism in the world." Generally, I feel no matter what I write, it will be interpreted to fit the reader's beliefs. When I research and write these articles, I am aware of comparing myself to the "male" and "female" models that I'm building, and trying to fit myself into the middle ground. Perhaps I don't give other people enough credit for objectivity; usually I'm afraid I give them too much.
livejournal version
Friday, October 6, 2006
A complex cycle
On the opposite side of the coin from yesterday's post about the effects of estrogen levels, testosterone levels also have distinct effects multiple functions. Interestingly, while Bhasin et al. (2001) found many physical performance changes related to testosterone levels in healthy young men, they did not find changes in sexual function, visual-spatial cognition, or mood. This is in contrast to Gray et al.'s 2005 study which did show dose-dependent changes in these factors for older men. These studies focus more on exogenous testosterone treatment, unlike studies of menstrual cycles, because the variations in testosterone levels seem more complex and less predictable. There seem to be several cycles which affect endogenous testosterone levels in males.
Reinberg and Lagoguey (1978) found peaks in plasma testosterone in the early morning and late evening, with a minor peak in the afternoon, although Plymate et al (1989) found that aging may blunt this peaking effect. Doering et al's 1975 study found a 20-22 day cycle in testosterone levels in 12 out of 20 volunteers. Smals et al. (1976) found that there were seasonal changes in testosterone levels as well, with levels peaking in the summer and autumn, and at their lowest in the winter and early spring. This is in addition to the normal reduction in bioavailable testosterone that Morley et al (1997) correlated with aging.
My own testosterone levels are highly predictable, because more than 90% of my serum testosterone at any given time is artificially raised. Once a week, I inject 50mg of testosterone cypionate into my thigh muscle. This seems to be the dose that works best for me, although many female-to-male transsexuals (ftms) are on different doses. It is quite common for ftms to be treated on a 2-week cycle, while other ftms use a daily, topical treatment, which give them a much more stable testosterone level. I prefer injections for convenience and cost, but found that I couldn't handle the peaks and valleys. When my testosterone levels are low, I feel moody and lethargic. When they are high, I feel invulnerable. I notice the mood variations a lot less now than when I first began testosterone therapy; I have a couple of theories as why this might be, but no way of testing them. My suspicion is that I had to build up to a baseline with my small weekly doses, and that my valleys are not as deep as they were when I was first starting. However, I think it is more likely that I've simply become used to the shifts, and have found other ways to compensate.
livejournal version
Reinberg and Lagoguey (1978) found peaks in plasma testosterone in the early morning and late evening, with a minor peak in the afternoon, although Plymate et al (1989) found that aging may blunt this peaking effect. Doering et al's 1975 study found a 20-22 day cycle in testosterone levels in 12 out of 20 volunteers. Smals et al. (1976) found that there were seasonal changes in testosterone levels as well, with levels peaking in the summer and autumn, and at their lowest in the winter and early spring. This is in addition to the normal reduction in bioavailable testosterone that Morley et al (1997) correlated with aging.
My own testosterone levels are highly predictable, because more than 90% of my serum testosterone at any given time is artificially raised. Once a week, I inject 50mg of testosterone cypionate into my thigh muscle. This seems to be the dose that works best for me, although many female-to-male transsexuals (ftms) are on different doses. It is quite common for ftms to be treated on a 2-week cycle, while other ftms use a daily, topical treatment, which give them a much more stable testosterone level. I prefer injections for convenience and cost, but found that I couldn't handle the peaks and valleys. When my testosterone levels are low, I feel moody and lethargic. When they are high, I feel invulnerable. I notice the mood variations a lot less now than when I first began testosterone therapy; I have a couple of theories as why this might be, but no way of testing them. My suspicion is that I had to build up to a baseline with my small weekly doses, and that my valleys are not as deep as they were when I was first starting. However, I think it is more likely that I've simply become used to the shifts, and have found other ways to compensate.
livejournal version
Thursday, October 5, 2006
That time of the month
The menstrual cycle has many complicated and largely disregarded effects on a woman's life and behavior. Chen et al. (2005) used an auction-bidding game to compare how men and women took risks and maximized earnings. Interestingly, they found that women's bidding, while it differed from men's through most of the month, did not significantly differ from men's during menstruation; when estrogen levels were at their lowest, the gender gap disappeared. The authors say this is consistent with previous understanding of women's risk-taking strategies. St Leger et al. (2006) found that recreational female scuba divers encountered more problems while diving at certain points in their cycle. Walpurger et al. (2004) found that a woman's classification response to auditory stimuli was faster during menstruation than at other times in the cycle.
I find it terribly amusing that these studies suggest that menstruation (an event often used to differentiate the experience of womanhood) is the time when a woman seems to be most similar to a man, hormonally. I barely remember what it was like, to be honest. Menstruation wasn't really that big a deal for me, although I saw it wreak havoc on the bodies of the people around me. I can't say I noticed any particular difference in alertness or risk-taking, either, since the swings in libido ran over subtler distinctions rough-shod. Sadly, much like I've experienced with testosterone, it's impossible to tell which effects were real, and which were placebo caused by my own expectations.
livejournal version
I find it terribly amusing that these studies suggest that menstruation (an event often used to differentiate the experience of womanhood) is the time when a woman seems to be most similar to a man, hormonally. I barely remember what it was like, to be honest. Menstruation wasn't really that big a deal for me, although I saw it wreak havoc on the bodies of the people around me. I can't say I noticed any particular difference in alertness or risk-taking, either, since the swings in libido ran over subtler distinctions rough-shod. Sadly, much like I've experienced with testosterone, it's impossible to tell which effects were real, and which were placebo caused by my own expectations.
livejournal version
Wednesday, October 4, 2006
The ew factor
Schienle et al. (2005) used fMRI to examine fear and disgust elicited with images in male and female subjects. Self-report measures indicated that they had induced the appropriate emotions, with women had responding more strongly, although brain activation showed stronger reaction in men for fear stimuli. No gender differences in activation were reported for the disgust stimuli. Neither Shapira et al. (2003) nor Moll et al. (2005) found any gender differences in their fMRI studies of disgust, either.
There is a gender stereotype that men (and especially boys) have a higher tolerance for disgust than women (and especially girls). However, it appears there are not neural differences in their experiences of disgust. Widen and Russell's 2002 study of preschoolers may shed some light on the social difference. In an experiment where 80 preschoolers were asked to identify the emotions of fictional children in a story, boys were more likely to describe a male character as "disgusted" or "grossed out" whereas girls were more likely to describe a female character as "afraid." This suggests that there may be a reciprocal relationship between fear and disgust, where responding to something as "gross" robs it of some of its fear-inducing power. However, this theory does not seem to play out in studies of phobia, such as De Jong et al's 1997 study on spider phobia, which showed strong positive correlations between fear and disgust responses. However, De Jong et al only studied girls and their mothers, so the relationship between fear and disgust may be different for males.
My experience of the emotion of disgust certainly has a lot in common with the physical sensations I associate with fear: the tightness in my stomach, the tendency to avoid looking directly at the stimulus, and the inability to ignore it. It's worth noting that of all the phobias, the one that is equally balanced between men and women is the blood/needle phobia -- which I never had any problem with before started testosterone. My hormones are administered by intramuscular injection, which I do myself on a weekly basis. As with many of my psychological changes, it's impossible to know the root causes, but my reaction to doing my injections has gotten worse over time, rather than better. I've luckily only had one actual fainting episode, and some weeks I do better than others, but on the whole, it feels like it's getting worse. I expect this has more to do with increased experience with needles than hormonal levels, but in general, exposure reduces phobic reactions, so my increased dread of needles strikes me as especially curious.
livejournal version
There is a gender stereotype that men (and especially boys) have a higher tolerance for disgust than women (and especially girls). However, it appears there are not neural differences in their experiences of disgust. Widen and Russell's 2002 study of preschoolers may shed some light on the social difference. In an experiment where 80 preschoolers were asked to identify the emotions of fictional children in a story, boys were more likely to describe a male character as "disgusted" or "grossed out" whereas girls were more likely to describe a female character as "afraid." This suggests that there may be a reciprocal relationship between fear and disgust, where responding to something as "gross" robs it of some of its fear-inducing power. However, this theory does not seem to play out in studies of phobia, such as De Jong et al's 1997 study on spider phobia, which showed strong positive correlations between fear and disgust responses. However, De Jong et al only studied girls and their mothers, so the relationship between fear and disgust may be different for males.
My experience of the emotion of disgust certainly has a lot in common with the physical sensations I associate with fear: the tightness in my stomach, the tendency to avoid looking directly at the stimulus, and the inability to ignore it. It's worth noting that of all the phobias, the one that is equally balanced between men and women is the blood/needle phobia -- which I never had any problem with before started testosterone. My hormones are administered by intramuscular injection, which I do myself on a weekly basis. As with many of my psychological changes, it's impossible to know the root causes, but my reaction to doing my injections has gotten worse over time, rather than better. I've luckily only had one actual fainting episode, and some weeks I do better than others, but on the whole, it feels like it's getting worse. I expect this has more to do with increased experience with needles than hormonal levels, but in general, exposure reduces phobic reactions, so my increased dread of needles strikes me as especially curious.
livejournal version
Tuesday, October 3, 2006
Girl drinks
A 2003 article for the UK's Marketing Week quoted some interesting statistics about alcohol consumption in that country. A Taylor Nelson Sofres survey found that 56% of all alcohol consumed in the home is consumed by men. Men also drink beer or lager year round, while women tend to vary their drink-of-choice by the season. These results were consistent with Dawson and Archer's 1992 survey of U.S. drinking habits.
However, Green et al (1994) point out that basing alcohol consumption analyses on volume consumed doesn't give an accurate picture, because men and women metabolize alcohol differently. A similar amount of alcohol will have distinctly different effects. This difference may be especially problematic if McPherson et al. (2004) are correct in their "Gender Convergence" theory of alcohol consumption. They suggest that the amounts and frequencies with which alcohol is consumed by men and women are approaching equality as a result of increasing equality in gender roles. If women suffer more negative outcomes from drinking, yet are drinking the same amount and frequency as their male counterparts, alcohol-related illness could be a looming women's health issue. However, there is still significant skepticism about this theory. Bloomfield et al. (2001) only found convergence in Finland when they examined drinking habits in Finland, Germany, the Netherlands, and Switzerland. Holmila and Raitasalo (2005) suggest that although gender roles may be approaching equality, the gender differences in drinking appear to be consistent across cultures, and that the reasons for this gap are not fully understood.
My partner is a lot more secure in his masculinity than I am. He's perfectly happy to drink "girl drinks" in public places. However, I'm simply not able to keep up in terms of volume or alcohol content, and I wish it didn't bother me. It does, which is probably also related to being insecure in my masculinity. I haven't noticed a significant change in my ability to process alcohol since starting testosterone, despite significant changes in my body fat percentage, muscle mass, and metabolism. I do drink beer more often than other beverages, but I think that's largely a result of wanting to be able to drink for the same length of time as my companions, something that would be nearly impossible if I were consuming spirits. As is probably abundantly clear, I'm not comfortable with my physical limitations.
livejournal version
(deleted and reposted on 11/15/2009 due to spam activity)
However, Green et al (1994) point out that basing alcohol consumption analyses on volume consumed doesn't give an accurate picture, because men and women metabolize alcohol differently. A similar amount of alcohol will have distinctly different effects. This difference may be especially problematic if McPherson et al. (2004) are correct in their "Gender Convergence" theory of alcohol consumption. They suggest that the amounts and frequencies with which alcohol is consumed by men and women are approaching equality as a result of increasing equality in gender roles. If women suffer more negative outcomes from drinking, yet are drinking the same amount and frequency as their male counterparts, alcohol-related illness could be a looming women's health issue. However, there is still significant skepticism about this theory. Bloomfield et al. (2001) only found convergence in Finland when they examined drinking habits in Finland, Germany, the Netherlands, and Switzerland. Holmila and Raitasalo (2005) suggest that although gender roles may be approaching equality, the gender differences in drinking appear to be consistent across cultures, and that the reasons for this gap are not fully understood.
My partner is a lot more secure in his masculinity than I am. He's perfectly happy to drink "girl drinks" in public places. However, I'm simply not able to keep up in terms of volume or alcohol content, and I wish it didn't bother me. It does, which is probably also related to being insecure in my masculinity. I haven't noticed a significant change in my ability to process alcohol since starting testosterone, despite significant changes in my body fat percentage, muscle mass, and metabolism. I do drink beer more often than other beverages, but I think that's largely a result of wanting to be able to drink for the same length of time as my companions, something that would be nearly impossible if I were consuming spirits. As is probably abundantly clear, I'm not comfortable with my physical limitations.
livejournal version
(deleted and reposted on 11/15/2009 due to spam activity)
Monday, October 2, 2006
Her First Knee Brace
(Image Courtesy Orthopaedics Northeast)
Anatomy of the Knee
This is because ACL injury occurs 4-to-6 times as frequently in female athletes compared to their male counterparts, even in the same sports, according to Arendt and Dick (1995). A review by Hewett et al. (2006) for the American Journal of Sports Medicine explains several of the theories currently being examined to explain this disparity, such as pelvis shape, hormonal effects, and neuromuscular activation, but all in all, conclude that the prevalence of ACL injuries in female athletes is multifactorial in etiology.
Honestly, this is a subject where I have no experience whatsoever. I had to look up where the ACL was. However, I did recently buy my first knee brace, in response to an ongoing problem which seemed to be exacerbated by the highly athletic activity of driving a car with manual transmission (note: sarcasm). I can't say I've ever noticed a difference in prevalence between male and female knee injuries; I've always associated them as male because my father had surgery on both his knees before I could remember. However, I find that when I conjure up the image "female athlete" in my mind, I end up with a ponytailed basketball player wearing a knee brace. "Male athlete" or even just "athlete" don't cause the same images (although I'm ashamed to admit that "athlete" alone does bring up a male image in my mind). My own prejudices against athletes are also multifactorial in etiology, but this one baffles me.
livejournal version
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